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September 12, 2006

Saddam to World: 'I'm Crushing Your Head!'

Saddam Hussein has made yet another stunningly hillarious pronouncement. He's going to crush our heads! Yes, the father of "The Mother of All Battles" is now ripping routines from Kids in the Hall.

Next thing you know, Bin Laden will be threatening to pinch our faces!

August 28, 2006

Tristan Smith, RIP

My religion, New Christianity (aka Swedenborgianism) is a small one, still. Nevertheless, quite a few New Christians are serving in the U. S. military, some even in Iraq. Tristan Smith, of Bryn Athyn, Pennsylvania, a U. S. infrantryman in Iraq, was one.

Tristan Smith, U. S. Army

Yesterday, while on patrol, Tristan was killed instantly by a bomb

There will be a prayer service at Bryn Athyn College of the New Church at 4pm today, and one at the Bryn Athyn Cathedral later at 8pm. A memorial service will happen later in the week.

UPDATE: Tristan's story is a lead story on tonight's news on Philadelphia's NBC10 station. You can read about him on their site, and watch the video coverage there as well. Apparrently there is an in-depth story airing tonight as well about the remarkable way Tristan spent his last leave in Bryn Athyn.

UPDATE2: Here's the Philadelphia Inquirer's article on Tristan. Local CBS and ABC affiliates also covered the story.

July 21, 2006

War is Not a Human Interest Story

I have often (very often!) been angered and dismayed by how military and geopolitical events are reported by the general press. I've said that if mainstream media covered football the way they cover international conflict, we'd be treated to minute-by-minute breathless reports like the following...

This just in. In Pittsburgh, just moments ago, several players for the Philadelphia Eagles were reportedly struck by enemy athletes in a series of events that their coach continues to claim are "routine".

The head coaches statement that everything is going according to the "play book" is contradicted by unnamed sources in the locker room who allege that the defensive line and special teams coaches are extremely uncomfortable with the way this conflict is going. Reportedly, the defensive line coach was heard using several expletives, warning the players under him that they should get into a state of extreme readiness in the eventuality that they might have to take the field themselves.

This incident is just one more in a series of setbacks for the Eagles. Since committing his team to the field, the Eagles owner has faced criticism after criticism for what is clearly turning into a disasterous situation.

Since this game began, Eagles players have suffered over forteen tackles, including one extremely brutal incident in which the Eagles quarterback was caught by surprise by what sports intelligence experts describe as a "linebacker blitz". To make matters worse, the number of "blocks" the team's defensive linemen have suffered since the game began continues to rise, bringing the total for the last two years well into the thousands.

According to spokesmen for Pittsburgh, the Eagles should never have taken the field in the first place. Steelers players are as determined as ever to thwart Philadelphia's efforts to bring stability to the stadium in Pittsburgh. All this, as local crowds in the stadium boo and jeer. One Pittsburgh resident was seen waving a sign saying, "Eagles Go Home!"

More, as news develops...

Okay. I have one question: WHAT IS THE SCORE?

Okay, make that two questions: WHAT WAS THE RESULT OF THE MOST RECENT PLAY? In other words, what was each team trying to accomplish, and what did they get for the price that they paid?

I'm tired of random alerts and flashes in my email box and across the crawl at the bottom of my tv screen shouting out "3 MARINES DIED IN AN EXPLOSION..." Doing what? Did they die accomplishing something? Or did their deaths cause their unit's mission to fail? What are the STRATEGIC consequences??? Why report on a war at all if you are going to make NO EFFORT AT ALL to understand the larger picture and to explain it to your audience?

Ugh.

Anyway, I share this rant with you because I finally have a positive counterexample to hold up. I recently (finally) signed up for STRATFOR's free email alerts. When the Israeli's crossed the Lebanese border a little while ago, I got flashed in my email box. I am deeply impressed with the effort STRATFOR made. Check it out:

---------- Forwarded message ---------- From: Strategic Forecasting, Inc. Date: Jul 21, 2006 2:15 PM Subject: Stratfor Red Alert - Breaking Intelligence To: mac.frazier

Stratfor.comServicesSubscriptionsReportsPartnersPress RoomContact Us
SPECIAL REPORT
07.21.2006

Red Alert: The Battle Joined

The ground war has begun. Several Israeli brigades now appear to be operating between the Lebanese border and the Litani River. According to reports, Hezbollah forces are dispersed in multiple bunker complexes and are launching rockets from these and other locations.

Hezbollah's strategy appears to be threefold. First, force Israel into costly attacks against prepared fortifications. Second, draw Israeli troops as deeply into Lebanon as possible, forcing them to fight on extended supply lines. Third, move into an Iraqi-style insurgency from which Israel -- out of fear of a resumption of rocket attacks -- cannot withdraw, but which the Israelis also cannot endure because of extended long-term casualties. This appears to have been a carefully planned strategy, built around a threat to Israeli cities that Israel can't afford. The war has begun at Hezbollah's time and choosing.

Israel is caught between three strategic imperatives. First, it must end the threat to Israeli cities, which must involve the destruction of Hezbollah's launch capabilities south of the Litani River. Second, it must try to destroy Hezbollah's infrastructure, which means it must move into the Bekaa Valley and as far as the southern suburbs of Beirut. Third, it must do so in such a way that it is not dragged into a long-term, unsustainable occupation against a capable insurgency.

Hezbollah has implemented its strategy by turning southern Lebanon into a military stronghold, consisting of well-designed bunkers that serve both as fire bases and launch facilities for rockets. The militants appear to be armed with anti-tank weapons and probably anti-aircraft weapons, some of which appear to be of American origin, raising the question of how they were acquired. Hezbollah wants to draw Israel into protracted fighting in this area in order to inflict maximum casualties and to change the psychological equation for both military and political reasons.

Israelis historically do not like to fight positional warfare. Their tendency has been to bypass fortified areas, pushing the fight to the rear in order to disrupt logistics, isolate fortifications and wait for capitulation. This has worked in the past. It is not clear that it will work here. The great unknown is the resilience of Hezbollah's fighters. To this point, there is no reason to doubt it. Israel could be fighting the most resilient and well-motivated opposition force in its history. But the truth is that neither Israel nor Hezbollah really knows what performance will be like under pressure.

Simply occupying the border-Litani area will not achieve any of Israel's strategic goals. Hezbollah still would be able to use rockets against Israel. And even if, for Hezbollah, this area is lost, its capabilities in the Bekaa Valley and southern Beirut will remain intact. Therefore, a battle that focuses solely on the south is not an option for Israel, unless the Israelis feel a defeat here will sap Hezbollah's will to resist. We doubt this to be the case.

The key to the campaign is to understand that Hezbollah has made its strategic decisions. It will not be fighting a mobile war. Israel has lost the strategic initiative: It must fight when Hezbollah has chosen and deal with Hezbollah's challenge. However, given this, Israel does have an operational choice. It can move in a sequential fashion, dealing first with southern Lebanon and then with other issues. It can bypass southern Lebanon and move into the rear areas, returning to southern Lebanon when it is ready. It can attempt to deal with southern Lebanon in detail, while mounting mobile operations in the Bekaa Valley, in the coastal regions and toward south Beirut, or both at the same time.

There are resource and logistical issues involved. Moving simultaneously on all three fronts will put substantial strains on Israel's logistical capability. An encirclement westward on the north side of the Litani, followed by a move toward Beirut while the southern side of the Litani is not secured, poses a serious challenge in re-supply. Moving into the Bekaa means leaving a flank open to the Syrians. We doubt Syria will hit that flank, but then, we don't have to live with the consequences of an intelligence failure. Israel will be sending a lot of force on that line if it chooses that method. Again, since many roads in south Lebanon will not be secure, that limits logistics.

Israel is caught on the horns of a dilemma. Hezbollah has created a situation in which Israel must fight the kind of war it likes the least -- attritional, tactical operations against prepared forces -- or go to the war it prefers, mobile operations, with logistical constraints that make these operations more difficult and dangerous. Moreover, if it does this, it increases the time during which Israeli cities remain under threat. Given clear failures in appreciating Hezbollah's capabilities, Israel must take seriously the possibility that Hezbollah has longer-ranged, anti-personnel rockets that it will use while under attack.

Israel has been trying to break the back of Hezbollah resistance in the south through air attack, special operations and probing attacks. This clearly hasn't worked thus far. That does not mean it won't work, as Israel applies more force to the problem and starts to master the architecture of Hezbollah's tactical and operational structure; however, Israel can't count on a rapid resolution of that problem.

The Israelis have by now thought the problem through. They don't like operational compromises -- preferring highly focused solutions at the center of gravity of an enemy. Hezbollah has tried to deny Israel a center of gravity and may have succeeded, forcing Israel into a compromise position. Repeated assaults against prepared positions are simply not something the Israelis can do, because they cannot afford casualties. They always have preferred mobile encirclement or attacks at the center of gravity of a defensive position. But at this moment, viewed from the outside, this is not an option.

An extended engagement in southern Lebanon is the least likely path, in our opinion. More likely -- and this is a guess -- is a five-part strategy:

1. Insert airmobile and airborne forces north of the Litani to seal the rear of Hezbollah forces in southern Lebanon. Apply air power and engineering forces to reduce the fortifications, and infantry to attack forces not in fortified positions. Bottle them up, and systematically reduce the force with limited exposure to the attackers.

2. Secure roads along the eastern flank for an armored thrust deep into the Bekaa Valley to engage the main Hezbollah force and infrastructure there. This would involve a move from Qiryat Shimona north into the Bekaa, bypassing the Litani to the west, and would probably require sending airmobile and special forces to secure the high ground. It also would leave the right flank exposed to Syria.

3. Use air power and special forces to undermine Hezbollah capabilities in the southern Beirut area. The Israelis would consider a move into this area after roads through southern Lebanon are cleared and Bekaa relatively secured, moving into the area, only if absolutely necessary, on two axes of attack.

4. Having defeated Hezbollah in detail, withdraw under a political settlement shifting defense responsibility to the Lebanese government.

5. Do all of this while the United States is still able to provide top cover against diplomatic initiatives that will create an increasingly difficult international environment.

There can be many variations on this theme, but these elements are inevitable:

1. Hezbollah cannot be defeated without entering the Bekaa Valley, at the very least.

2. At some point, resistance in southern Lebanon must be dealt with, regardless of the cost.

3. Rocket attacks against northern Israel and even Tel Aviv must be accepted while the campaign unfolds.

4. The real challenge will come when Israel tries to withdraw.

No. 4 is the real challenge. Destruction of Hezbollah's infrastructure does not mean annihilation of the force. If Israel withdraws, Hezbollah or a successor organization will regroup. If Israel remains, it can wind up in the position the United States is in Iraq. This is exactly what Hezbollah wants. So, Israel can buy time, or Israel can occupy and pay the cost. One or the other.

The other solution is to shift the occupational burden to another power that is motivated to prevent the re-emergence of an anti-Israeli military force -- as that is what Hezbollah has become. The Lebanese government is the only possible alternative, but not a particularly capable one, reflecting the deep rifts in Lebanon.

Israel has one other choice, which is to extend the campaign to defeat Syria as well. Israel can do this, but the successor regime to Syrian President Bashar al Assad likely would be much worse for Israel than al Assad has been. Israel can imagine occupying Syria; it can't do it. Syria is too big and the Arabs have learned from the Iraqis how to deal with an occupation. Israel cannot live with a successor to al Assad and it cannot take control of Syria. It will have to live with al Assad. And that means an occupation of Lebanon would always be hostage to Syrian support for insurgents.

Hezbollah has dealt Israel a difficult hand. It has thought through the battle problem as well as the political dimension carefully. Somewhere in this, there has been either an Israeli intelligence failure or a political failure to listen to intelligence. Hezbollah's capabilities have posed a problem for Israel that allowed Hezbollah to start a war at a time and in a way of its choosing. The inquest will come later in Israel. And Hezbollah will likely be shattered regardless of its planning. The correlation of forces does not favor it. But if it forces Israel not only to defeat its main force but also to occupy, Hezbollah will have achieved its goals.

Now THAT is real journalism.

December 6, 2005

Strategic Analysis of Options for Iran

If you get the time, you really, really should read the U. S. Army War College's Getting Ready for a Nuclear-Ready Iran, edited by Henry Sokolski and Patrick Clawson and just released last month.

More and more, I've found the headline news links at Glenn Beck's website to be a very good resource. Today I noticed a link there to the World Tribune article, "U.S. Army report: Israel can't stop Iran nukes":

Geopolitical limitations render Israel's air force militarily incapable of halting Iran's nuclear weapons program according to a new report published the by U.S. Army War College.

The report asserts Israel lacks the military capability to locate and destroy Iranian nuclear assets. The report said the Israel Air Force cannot operate at such long distances from its bases.

After reading the article, I went to the amazingly informative and provocative Strategic Studies Institute of the U. S. Army War College, and found the report in question. The download page for the publication has an abstract:

As Iran edges closer to acquiring a nuclear bomb and its missiles extend an ever darker diplomatic shadow over the Middle East and Europe, Iran is likely to pose three threats. First, Iran could dramatically up the price of oil by interfering with the free passage of vessels in and through the Persian Gulf as it did during the l980s or by threatening to use terrorist proxies to target other states’ oil facilities. Second, it could diminish American influence in the Gulf and Middle East by increasing the pace and scope of terrorist activities against Iraq, Saudi Arabia, other Gulf states, Israel, and other perceived supporters of the United States. Finally, it could become a nuclear proliferation model for the world and its neighbors (including many states that otherwise would be more dependent on the United States for their security) by continuing to insist that it has a right to make nuclear fuel under the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty and then withdrawing once it decides to get a bomb.

The synopsis goes on to comprehensively list the possible U. S. responses, which are quoted completely below, but broken out into a list format:

To contain and deter Iran from posing such threats, the United States and its friends could take a number of steps:
  • increasing military cooperation (particularly in the naval sphere) to deter Iranian naval interference;
  • reducing the vulnerability of oil facilities in the Gulf outside of Iran to terrorist attacks, building and completing pipelines in the lower Gulf region that would allow most of the non-Iranian oil and gas in the Gulf to be exported without having to transit the Straits of Hormuz;
  • diplomatically isolating Iran by calling for the demilitarization of the Straits and adjacent islands, creating country-neutral rules against Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty state members who are suspected of violating the treaty from getting nuclear assistance from other state members and making withdrawal from the treaty more difficult;
  • encouraging Israel to set the pace of nuclear restraint in the region by freezing its large reactor at Dimona and calling on all other states that have large nuclear reactors to follow suit;
  • and getting the Europeans to back targeted economic sanctions against Iran if it fails to shut down its most sensitive nuclear activities.

You can (and should) directly download the 322 page report in PDF format and read it, if you really want to understand the matters surrounding the crisis we are blithely rushing into with Iran.

From the first chapter of the report itself:

When it comes to Iran’s nuclear program, most U.S. and allied officials are in one or another state of denial. All insist it is critical to prevent Tehran from acquiring nuclear weapons. Yet, few understand just how late it is to attempt this. Iran is now no more than 12 to 48 months from acquiring a nuclear bomb, lacks for nothing technologically or materially to produce it, and seems dead set on securing an option to do so. As for the most popular policy options―to bomb or bribe Iran―too few analysts and officials are willing to admit publicly how self-defeating these courses of action might be.

This report, based on commissioned research and 2 years’ worth of meetings with the nation’s leading experts on Iran, the Middle East, and nuclear proliferation, is intended to highlight sounder policy options. It makes seven recommendations designed to reduce the
potential harm Iran might otherwise do or encourage, once it gained
nuclear weapons or the ability to have them in a matter of days. The report reflects analysis done at a series of competitive strategies workshops that focused on the next 2 decades of likely competition between America and Iran and what comparative strengths the United States and its allies might use to leverage Iranian behavior.

Read the rest if you get the time. I'm not (necessarily) endorsing all of the recommendations in the report, but it certainly is one of the more clear and complete examinations of a problem that, frankly, the people of the United States do not appear politically/emotionally prepared to face.

September 11, 2005

Never Forget, Never Again

The second plane makes its final course correction before slamming into the World Trade Center, September 11, 2001.

Years have gone by, and I still subscribe to what Pejman said, when he wrote, "Never!"

Barbarismus delenda est.

May 21, 2005

Death to Infidels...Right Back Atcha!

The Arab world is at war with Christianity. Haven't you heard?

"Saudis Shred Bibles, Rights Campaigners Claim"
(2005.05.19) Patrick Goodenough, Cybercast News Service:

Bibles found in the possession of visitors to Saudi Arabia are routinely confiscated by customs officials, and in some cases copies allegedly have been put through a paper shredder, according to religious rights campaigners.

So where do we meet up for the riot?

(Yes, I'm being sarcastic. People who fly into murderous rages over the desecration of holy objects are stupid barbarians. And I say that as a deeply religious person.)

May 15, 2005

Bill Found the Middle for Hillary to Rush Into

I've been expecting this for a long time. I highly doubt that Senator McCain will be able to credibly stand for worldwide women's rights as part of the War on Terror. This approach, I think, can win it for Hillary so long as Condi or some other strong conservative woman doesn't end up on the opposite ticket.

What am I talking about? From Drudge:

'Mass Hysteria' For Hillary Clinton At Commence Day Speech Sat May 2005 14 20:10:30 ET

"Everyone was screaming and jumping up and down. It was mass hysteria," claims a graduate of a women's liberal arts college in Decatur, GA, site of Sen. Hillary Clinton's commencement day address this weekend.

With her presidential potential adding to the pomp and circumstance of commencement day, Sen. Hillary Clinton on Saturday urged graduates of Agnes Scott College to spread the cause of women's rights and education around the world.

The ATLANTA JOURNAL-CONSTITUTION reports on Sunday: Clinton, a New York Democrat who has made two visits to Iraq and Afghanistan as a member of the Senate Armed Services Committee, said she is "very proud of our country" for standing with the women of those nations. She said it is "absolutely essential to our national security and the furtherance of peace and democracy around the world" for that commitment to continue.

"You cannot have democracy if half the people are shut out," the senator and former first lady said. "You cannot have freedom if half the people are told they are inferior. You cannot have peace when half the people can . . . decide how the other half lives."

She said she hopes more young women will "contribute to that great struggle abroad."

Developing...

Developing...

How many years have we been wondering out loud where the feminists were when it came to the Moslem world's war on women? The thing is, Hillary is on the right side of this one, until you consider her likely approach to dealing with the problem once in office, of course.

May 6, 2005

What Happened to Bert-Laden?

Remember back in the early, crazy days of this war? I'mtalking those first few months after September 11, when Anthrax was getting mailed around the country, SpecOps was doing their thing in Afghanistan, the Warblogger movement was getting underway, and muppets were joining the Jihad?

Yeah, whatever happened to Evil Bert? I found myself chuckling at the memory of that weird chapter of 2001, and went looking for the original news photo that it all centered around. Guess what: I can't find it! The idea that this episode might slip from the ephemeral wasteland that is the Web's memory distresses me. The best I could do (with only an initial, cursory search, mind you) was the FoxNews article I already linked to.

Can anyone help me out, here?

UPDATE: I tried a little harder, and finally came up with this:

Interfacing Knowledge: New Paradigms for Computing in the Humanities, Arts and Social Sciences—"Perfect Transmissions: Evil Bert Laden" by Mark Poster

How is information that crosses cultures on the Internet interpreted once it is received? The engineer's understanding of perfect or noiseless transmissions is far different from the problem of inter-cultural communication. I take an example from the events surrounding Sept 11th.

This is an academic article, of all things, that examines how Evil Bert ended up on a poster used—in all seriousness—by pro-Bin Laden protestors Bangladesh.

Bert-Laden Poster 1

Bert-Laden Poster 2, Bert Highlighted

November 28, 2002

Women

Iranian journalist Hossein "Hoder" Derakhshan recently posted a link to a wonderful site: Women in Iran. The site is run by a relatively new organization of, well, women in Iran, and is dedicated to advancing human rights by giving voice (in Farsi and in English) to the struggle for women's rights in the Islamic Republic. From the site's English translation of the "About Us" section:

The Iranian Women website is trying to open a window, however small, to the life of Iranian women, this always hidden half of our society.� This site, with the slogan of �Women�s Right is Human Right�, tries to tell the story of struggles, issues, and successes of Iranian women, and in this way, would like to shake the hand of all who believe in the social and intellectual equality of women and men.�

They appear to just be starting on the English translation of the site, but what is already available in English is definitely worth your time to visit.

Tomorrow (well, technically, today) is Thanksgiving here in the United States, a time for remembering the good in our lives, and for giving thanks for it. It's commonly said that we do not know what is truly valuable until we have lost it. There's some truth to that, but sometimes it is enough for us to see others who have less than us of something good in order to know that we should be grateful for having it at all.

So I've been looking around, and I've been thinking.

Slavery was an ancient evil, accepted by cultures and governments across the world and down through the millenia, only to be chased from the earth in the last few centuries. Its destruction as an institution was the greatest achievement of its age and one of humanity's greatest achievements ever.

In this age, we are more and more awakening to another ancient stain on humanity's soul. In many cultures and in all ages the role, dignity and value of half our species has been denied and assaulted. Whether "feminine" has been interpreted as "worthless" or merely "less", the abuse and suppression of women has crippled societies and crushed lives. Whether argued as divine revelation or as natural law, the mostly unthinking, widespread acceptance throughout history of the supposed inferiority of women has fouled many of our accomplishments and fed many of our atrocities. If one believes in a just, rational and loving Creator, surely one must know how great and deep an insult it is against the Divine that we have permitted such evil for so long.

Considering the breadth of the world and the depth of history, what progress has currently been made against this ancient iniquity is isolated and so far brief. In many places, now, the equality and value of women is recognized. In the Civilized world, even those who in their hearts do not yet see the worth of women are at least likely to be embarrassed should their neighbors find out their "backwardness". For a short time, in some cultures, a little progress has been made.

You may live in a world in which issues of gender are framed in terms of "equal pay for equal work", "equal access to opportunity" and "empowerment": you are living in the enlightened part of the world. There are many places, in which many millions of women live, in which such discussions have no context, in which women have many rights only through consent of their husbands, in which women may be purchased and sold, in which murdering or raping a woman "for honor" is an accepted tradition.

But there is now an enlightened part of the world. There is civilization. And, as happened in the previous centuries' war against general slavery, those cultures and realms outside of today's definition of civilization will soon relent in their assault on the feminine, whether due to evolution, revolution, or extirpation. The war against slavery is in this sense unfinished...but not abandoned.

Any culture that makes of itself an enemy of its own wives, mothers, and daughters is an enemy of all of civilization. Thankfully, any such culture has but a short time left in this world. Civilization spreads. The denigration of women, like all other evils, will likely exist eternally within the hearts of poor individuals, but its cultural acceptance cannot long stand against the wave of change now breaking upon it. Some cultures will change. Some will end.

It's heartbreaking to look out into the darkness beyond civilization. But, looking out, I can see the light spreading. This year, that is what I am thankful for. I am thankful that humanity is waking up, that civilization is spreading, that the world is, though painfully, becoming a better place.

On a more personal level, I am thankful for the women in my life. Each one has been a gift, right down to the most recent of all, my new little daughter. Most particularly, that my daughter will grow up free from fear of slavery, fully in charge of her own rights and person, in a culture in which such is simply assumed, is something I am most thankful for indeed.

September 28, 2002

Western Imperialism's Greatest Accomplishment

At the risk of eliciting a complaint from the author (who I really don't think would mind), I will now quote extensively from an amazing book by Thomas Sowell:

After lasting for thousands of years, [it] was destroyed over most of the planet in a period of about one century, and over virtually all of the planet within two centuries. The destruction of this ancient and world-wide institution was all the more remarkable because it was accomplished in the face of determined opposition and cunning evasion at every level, from the individual [actors] to the heads of nations and empires. Moreover, the impetus for [its destruction] came not from any of the objective, material, or economic factors so often assumed to be dominant in history, but from a moral revulsion against [it]...

[It] was so deeply entrenched and seemingly impregnable when the...political crusade began...that....any thought that the very institution...itself could be abolished was considered Utopian. Yet the mobilization of public opinion in [the world's greatest power] against [it] produced such powerful and enduring political pressures that successive generations of [their] governments found themselves forced to push the...effort further and further toward its logical conclusion—...finally to pressure, bribe and coerce other nations into abolishing [it] as well.

...

...[O]nce mobilized, this public opinion proved to be so strong, so tenacious, so enduring, and ultimately so irresistible, that the...crusade was swept along beyond its original goals...to abolishing [it]...throughout the world...

...The...movement proved to be as unrelenting as it was widespread. ...[M]issionaries fueled the public's outrage with their reports..., reports widely disseminated by a powerful...lobby in [the capital]. Not all government officials favored the...cause by any means, and some in both the civil and military establishments resented the extra burdens put upon them by this cause, as well as the complications that the...crusade made in...foreign relations. But the political pressures forced successive...governments to continue their worldwide opposition to [it]. ...[I]t became such a factor in [the great power's] domestic politics that candidates for political office felt a need to declare where they stood on the issue. [Eventually, being anti-crusade] was considered a political liability.

[Imperial] warships were sent on patrol..., boarding not only [their own] ships to inspect them..., but also boarding the ships of some other nations who had "voluntarily" granted them this right. [Soon, the great power] began to urge the [largest Muslim state] to abolish [it] within its dominions. The initial response of the...sultan was described by the...ambassador:

I have been heard with extreme astonishment accompanied with a smile at a proposition for destroying an institution closely inter-woven with the frame of society in this country, and intimately connected with the law and with the habits and even the religion of all classes, from the Sultan himself on down to the lowest peasant.
[The great power of the day] was far in advance of most of the rest of the world in its opposition to [it]. However, its example inspired [others]..., and the French government later...sent its navy on patrol...to help...intercept [perpetrators]. Eventually, opposition to [it] would spread throughout Western civilization, even to despotic governments... The European-offshoot societies of the Western Hemisphere all abolished [it] before the end of the...century, and the spread of Western imperialism to Asia and Africa brought [it] under pressure around the world.

Outside of Western civilization, the...effort was opposed and evaded, especially in the Islamic world. Repeated pressure on the [largest Muslim state] led its government to decree a ban [on its practice] within its dominions..., even though this ban led—as expected—to discontent and revolt among...subjects. However, mindful of the opposition within, [Muslim] authorities were not very active at trying to stamp out the [practice]. Eventually, the [great power] threatened to begin boarding [the Muslim state's] ships..., unless the [Muslims] themselves began enforcing the ban... Nor was the [largest Muslim state] the only foreign government to feel the pressure of [the imperialist] policy. [Later], ...warships anchored off [an island nation] and threatened to blockade the island unless the [unwanted activities] closed down. [They] closed.

A sharp distinction is apparent between the ending of [it] in Western civilization and in non-Western regions. By [late in the century, it] had been abolished throughout the Western Hemisphere. yet the struggle to end [it]...continued on into the [next] century in Africa, Asia and the Middle East. The [great power] added naval patrols in the Indian Ocean and the Persian Gulf after the [largest Muslim state's] formal ban...provided legal cover for such interventions. Yet [it] continued on land until after European imperialism took control of most of the [region]. Only then could the attempt be made to stamp [it out completely.] The difference between the Western and non-Western worlds as regards the ending of [it is]...epitomized in the words used to describe the process—...in Africa, Asia, and the Middle East...it was a more protracted process that lasted well into the [next] century.

Even after Western hegemony extended into many nations of Asia, Africa and the Middle East, [it] continued in remote regions... Among the Islamic nations of North Africa and the Middle East, the abolition of [it] came especially late, with Saudi Arabia, Mauritania, and the Sudan continuing to [support its practice] on past the middle of the [next] century. Mauritania officially abolished [it]—though its own officials admitted that the practice continued after the ban.

Non-Western societies never developed the crusading zeal which led to the destruction of [it] wherever [Western] power extended. Nevertheless, the national stigma of [it] eventually became a factor in the [curtailing] or abolition of [it] in non-Western countries which did not wish to appear backward or uncivilized. ... The rise of nationalism among [some] countries in general gave an impetus to the effort to stamp [it out], in order to gain respect from the world's leading nations, which meant Western nations. In the Philippines, at the beginning of the [next] century, an American report on the continuation of [it] there was seen by Filipino leaders as a blow against their efforts to gain independence. Even within the Islamic world, which retained the institution...longest, Westernized elites began to oppose [it], whether out of conviction or out of embarrassment. In short, [it] was ultimately destroyed morally, though the chief instrument of this destruction was the overwhelming military power of the West, combined with the opinion of Western civilization, based at this juncture in history on its economic, scientific, and technological achievements. Ironically, after anti-Western views became fashionable among Western intellectuals in the late twentieth century, desperate expedients of rhetoric were resorted to, in order to depict the destruction of [the evil practice] by European civilization as somehow serving the economic interests of [Western] powers.


My lame attempts to "neuter" the subject matter aside, the above is, of course, a description of the near-worldwide abolition of slavery. Of course, slavery is practiced today in the Sudan and is preached approvingly in Mosques and on television programs in a number of Arab states, still. The Islamist treatment of women, for that matter, essentially amounts to slavery as well, with a number of American-born women, just to take an example, currently trapped in Saudi Arabia because Saudi law forbids them to travel without the permission of their husbands.

My point?

I've always thought that "wars on X" were silly. You can't normally make war against poverty, or drugs, or illiteracy. To claim otherwise implies an odd understanding of what "war" really means. So the characterizing of the current conflict as "the war on terrorism" has always made me uncomfortable. Yet I've remained quiet in my criticisms exactly because of the example set by imperial Britain in its war against slavery.

Slavery is an institution that has been practiced continually by every culture and civilization since before recorded history. It is not unique to the Western hemisphere, nor were Africans the sole victims by any stretch of the imagination. Two hundred years ago, most societies across the globe took slavery for granted as something that always was, and always would be.

The deliberate terrorization of enemy civilian populations for politcal means has been around at least since Sparta, and most likely since the dawn of time. At times it has been considered "against the rules of war" among Western states, but no thinking person has ever really believed that it was unusual or truly stoppable.

Only by the application of overwhelming economic and military force, coupled with the moral demands of free citizens, could slavery ever have been wiped out to the degree that it was. Perhaps, some day, the Western world will truly fall and we will see a reemergence of slavery. I doubt it, though, for with the spread of Western power has gone the infectious spread of Western ideas of liberty and personal sovereignty.

Today, we are (half-heartedly, it sometimes seems) setting off on a similar Herculean task that will also require the vigilant application of overwhelming military, economic and moral force. If we succeed, then I have little concern that academicians in the late twenty-second century will attribute our motivations entirely to convoluted desires for Afghan oil. Just so long as we succeed.

I'm quite upbeat on the short-term prospects and more tactical requirements of our current conflict. I have a vision of something much larger, though, and I'm not certain it will come to pass.

Terrorism is practiced because (a) it works, (b) it's possible, and (c) it's cheap. There is nothing at all we can do about (a). Becoming a police state at home and constantly spying on and interdicting individual terrorist organizations abroad will have, in the end, only a limited effect on (b). The leg of the tripod to strike at is (c). If the cost of supporting terrorism is so great that no state can contemplate using or supporting it for any end whatsoever, then terrorism can be defeated. Bin Laden's Al Qaida is not powerful because of his personal wealth. By all accounts, the overall expenditures on his monstrous creation far exceeded his own net worth long ago. Al Qaida and other global terrorist organizations—and terror groups of even just regional reach—are able to conduct operations and, in fact, to continue to exist at all because of the financial and material support provided to them by states and by the citizens of complacent states.

Tonight, Henry Kissinger noted that the issue of topping Saddam Hussein and the larger War on Terrorism were inextricably linked. He said that right now many states, particularly those in the Middle East, see terrorist movements as a greater threat to their power than the United States. As long as that continues, they will always turn a blind eye toward domestic groups that support terrorism, and often directly support terrorist groups themselves. Until the United States demonstrates its willingness to overthrow governments that actively or passively support terrorism, diplomatically, economically or militarily, then such a condition will continue.

Many who argue against toppling Saddam worry that it won't stop there. It's an excellent thing to worry about. Though he never outright said it, Kissinger implied that toppling Saddam would be sufficient to alter the cost analysis for the various states most terrorists get their support out of. Such may not be the case, though, and I, too, worry about where we will go next. Such worry, though, doesn't stop me from supporting the first step, nor even the next—unseeable—step. I just don't see a better alternative.

In the first post-Cold War decade, a number of great minds (Kissinger, Huntingdon, et al.) all started saying the same thing: America must not squander its temporary power on unilateral crusades nor withdraw into an isolationist fantasy. I, however, don't think most Americans really deep down inside like how much power we have. So exhortations to nurse and protect and carefully maintain our political, ideological, technological, economic and military hegemony are, in the end, useless to me. Power and influence, like fame and fortune, have no intrinsic value. Money, energy—whatever—are totally worthless apart from what they are applied to.

If applying American Hegemony to the abolition of terrorism results in a final depletion of our international power capital reserves, so to speak, then I think I can live with that. Being careful, playing nice multilateral diplo-games may preserve American leadership for a century or two, but why lead if there is nowhere to lead to? Choosing to take this cause all the way to its own logical conclusion could very well end American hegemony within fifty years. Again, so long as we are successful, so be it. Someone else will take up the mantle of leadership after we recede from great power status.

I hope its Australia.

May 15, 2002

Why Americans Support Israel And Europeans Don`t

The European bureautocracy is shocked by the American stance toward Israel. The common views outside the United States range from seeing Israel as an oppressor state—some say "terrorist"—to the milder "well, both sides are guilty, but Israel is stronger."

Americans don`t see things that way.

I`m not Jewish. Most Americans aren`t Jewish. Large numbers of Americans, though (including myself), support Israel. What`s up with that? To listen to America`s critics, their implied message seems to be that only a Jew could care about the Jews, and that therefore something sneaky must be going on in the United States.

In a poll taken by the Pew Research Center in early April, the growing transatlantic gap in opinions on the Israel-Palestine conflict was confirmed. According to the poll, most people on the continent (France 63 per cent, Germany 63 per cent, Italy 51 per cent) disapprove of current U.S. policies with regard to the Middle East, while only 26 per cent of Americans themselves polled said they "disapprove".

Further, when asked to choose sides between Israel and the Palestinians, most Europeans either primarily sided with the Palestinians (France 36 per cent, Great Britain 28 per cent), or selected "neither" (Germany 33 per cent, Italy 32 per cent). Most Americans, on the other hand, placed their sympathies with Israel (41 per cent), with 21 per cent saying "neither" and only 13 per cent choosing the Palestinians. (Interestingly, in every country surveyed, those sympathizing with "both" were outnumbered by those choosing "neither.")

So what`s going on here?

First, it should be noted that in past polls, going back many years, Americans have generally always sympathized with Israel over the Palestinians, with percentages ranging from 34 per cent in 1990 to 48 per cent in 1997. Our views on this issue, in fact, have not changed substantially since before the September Atrocity.

This, of course, feeds the tired claims of a "Jewish controlled media" and the supposedly stunning power of Jewish lobby groups in the U.S. This is probably the oldest of attempted explanations for American support of Israel. As explanations go, though, these claims are not terribly convincing. If a "Zionist conspiracy" really ran this country, Arabs would be commemorating the thirtieth anniversary of Arafat`s martyrdom about now.

It is true that as lobby efforts go, those supporting Israel are among the most powerful. But how powerful is that? Certainly not enough to so radically sway common public opinion to the point that we see Israel exactly opposite of how Europe perceives Israel.

A more recent attempt at explaining American support for Israel involves two components of the Republican constituency that were core to President Bush`s election. The first is the Evangelical Christian movement. (The Boston Globe recently cited Evangelicals as strong supporters of Israel, dismissively implying the motives of the Christian Right as essentially scriptural.)

According to a recent article in The Economist, the other component, the so- called neoconservatives (an ever-shifting label), support Israel as part of an overall desire to see America "play a more forceful role in the world." That`s, well, interesting. Being occasionally tagged as a neocon myself, I find it hard to disagree with the author`s statement that "Neocons are obsessed with the grand design of foreign policy." But so what? I`d say Marxists are similarly obsessed, but — despite Israel`s regrettable socialist idiosyncrasies — this bare fact does not amount to anything.

So let`s be generous and lump these two groups together (the total Jewish population in America is too small to have a significant impact on these numbers, by the way) and not question the attributed motives. Do neocons and theocons really make up 41 per cent of the American Public? Some might wish that it were so, but how then would one explain two terms of Clinton? Remember, we`re talking about stable levels of public support for Israel since at least the late 1970`s.

Here`s one more data point: among Europeans, the "highly educated" were far more likely to respond as sympathizing with the Palestinians, compared to their non-Sorbonne-impaired neighbors. France, in particular, showed a dramatic difference among these two demographics, with only 30 per cent of French with "low" education supporting the Palestinians, versus 51 per cent of those with "high" education.

And here, I think, is the real cause of this historical rift between opinions. Call us middle-brow, say we lack nuance, whine about American exceptionalism, but the basic truth is that Americans are idealistic where Europeans are cynical, and cynics where Europeans are idealists.

Take the European response to President Bush`s declaration of the Axis of Evil, for example. Across all four European nations polled, the majority disapproved of the statement — France by a whopping 74 per cent. In the United States, the majority approved, with only 34 percent saying they disapproved.

So do Americans support Israel because we think the Second Coming is, well, coming? Do we do it out of some nefarious scheme to launch a New Imperialism? Are we bamboozled by the dreaded "Jewish Controlled Media"?

No. We believe — more than Europe does — that some things are just plain wrong. No excuses, no rationalizations. Like my mom used to say, "I don`t care what he did first, if you hit, you`re wrong!" Sure, that policy lacked nuance, but it certainly was clear.

President Bush`s popularity is in large part due to the great gift he brought us in September: moral clarity.

Academic quibbles among the intelligencia about moral equivalency and "root causes" frankly cause the average American`s eyes to glaze over. Sure, the average American thinks, Israel may have misbehaved. Sure, there should be a separate Palestinian state. But once people started blowing up pizza parlors, a far more important — and far more clear — problem walked onto the scene. Until the absolutely clear evil of terrorism, suicide bombing, and attempted policide is eliminated, other, lesser problems are put on hold.

Europeans call this idealism simplistic, and maybe it is.

On the flip side, Americans are sometimes dumbfounded to discover how oddly credulous Europeans are when it comes to so much else. Europeans put a value on words that is foreign to the average American. Just because "peace process" sounds like maybe there`s a process that can create peace, it does not mean that anything baring the label is actually worthy of any respect.

As idealistic as many Americans are when it comes to notions of right and wrong, we are deeply, deeply cynical when it comes to words and ideas. We are the "show-me" nation. And that`s one more reason the notion of a conspiratorial Jewish Controlled Media is so silly to the average American. Who trusts the media?!

We Americans sniff out conflicts of interest as a knee-jerk reflex, assume everyone has a bias, and know that just because there`s a picture of the batboy shaking hands with Jimmy Carter doesn`t mean the event actually happened. Some poor souls here still have a hard time accepting that Elvis is dead. I mean, did you see the body?

This, in the end, is the great divide between Europe and the U.S.: We believe nothing, they believe in nothing.

April 1, 2002

An Open Letter to Israel, or, Time to Choose Sides

After reading over accounts of recent events in Israel, thinking of the moral, political and military issues and challenges involved, speaking with many friends on these topics, I happened upon Tal G. in Jerusalem.

It's not a particularly stirring blog. It's merely the postings of an ordinary person living in Israel. But suddenly, faced with the thoughts and observations of a normal and real person that happens to be living in the center of the chaos, I was moved. I've probably had a lot of emotions building up over this issue for awhile now. Heaven knows I've been doing a lot of thinking on the subject. Without really thinking how odd it would be for this person to get a massive email from a total stranger, I wrote.

Now that I've sent it, I realize that it was written not just to Tal G. in Jerusalem, not just to Israelis in general, but that some of it is for an even broader audience. Before posting it here, though, I should probably edit it. I'm not going to, though, as I don't have the energy for it right now. Instead, I'm just pasting in the full text of the email (originally with the subject header of "An American Perspective") right here. It's long and unedited, so forgive me. Or just scroll on by. Shorter, wittier bits are lower down on the page for your amusement.

Already this is way too much introduction. Here's what I think about Israel:

I recently found your blog.

I don't know you. I don't know who you are or what you're like, beyond the handful of posts you've made so far. And yet I have a lot to say to you.

I've been thinking of everyone in Israel these past few days, and merely seeing the words of an individual living through this mess unexpectedly triggered some powerful emotions. I felt I had to write, to say, "Hang in there."

But I have more to say: I'm sorry. I'm sorry that you are not safe, I'm sorry that there is as much suffering as there is, I'm sorry that there is little sign of hope that this will end peacefully and soon. But beyond being sorry in the sense of "sad", I am also profoundly sorry and apologetic for the lazy, uncourageous, shallow stance taken in the past by myself and by fellow Americans regarding your plight.

Beyond saying I'm sorry, though, I wanted to write to you, perhaps as a proxy for everyone living in Israel, to say that opinions have changed, and to try and explain why a change was needed at all.

You wrote, �What I've seen in American and European media is a total disconnect between what Israel is doing in Ramallah and the 60 or so Palestinian bombings of the past month.�

I just want you to know that the American media itself is disconnected from the opinions of a large number of Americans. Arafat is a murderer. The PLO/PNA has had piles of opportunity to achieve its stated desire of �peace, security, independence�, and yet has consistently thrown it all away in favor of the goal their actions demonstrate: the destruction of Israel. The international community is full of manure. We�re getting it. Honestly, we are.

It�s just taking some time for some of us to reconcile the issues in our minds. Let me give you a personal perspective.

My senior year of high school I was assigned to craft and deliver a persuasive speech. I chose as my topic the position that Northern Ireland belonged to the Irish. A good and longtime childhood friend of mine, the son of Lebanese/Jordanian/Palestinian parents who had fled the region to eventually become American citizens, chose as his position that Israel was an occupying force that was guilty of human rights crimes against Palestinians.

All I really recall from his speech were a couple of descriptions of torture methods that had been practiced on prisoners in Israel - that, and that I was sympathetic to his position. My own speech wasn�t terribly good; I attempted to lay out the entire history of the English/Irish conflict going back to Elizabethan times, and it was far too long and clearly bored my audience (my classmates). But it was a cause I cared about nonetheless.

I think I am common among Americans in my default stance of sympathy for any people or nation that appears to be struggling for freedom and self-determination. It's hard-wired into our culture, for one thing. Also, despite being a superpower since WWII and a hegemon since the fall of the Soviet Union, I and many Americans still instinctively identify with the underdog of any conflict. Kids with rocks are noble when fighting men with guns. Sometimes it seems we intentionally tie a hand behind our back just to level the playing field; we find our dominance embarrassing.

I am of (among other things) Irish ancestry, pride in which is a core element of my upbringing. For what it's worth, I still look upon the history of England's treatment of Ireland as an outrageous and oppressive tale, taken in its entirety. But I do not support the IRA.

What I did not grasp in my teenage years are the distinctions between just wars and just warfare, and between what is right and what is more right. In other words, there are just wars and times when avoiding war is in fact unjust; however you must attempt to pursue warfare in accordance with certain guidelines, or the justness of your cause itself will be destroyed in your attempt to win. Further, the belief in good and evil, right and wrong, is not inconsistent with the understanding that there are relative degrees of each present in most situations; I reject the idea that the world is made up of "shades of grey", while also acknowledging that most people and institutions are not wholly black or white; the world looks grey because we are each composed of many tiny intermingled pixels of black and white.

Answering "Whose evil is worse? Whose good is greater?" is usually very difficult, and so is often shied away from. It is also not obvious on the face of it that the real truth behind the adage "the end does not justify the means" is that unjust means will destroy any claimed just end. The adage isn't correct as given, really. Nothing "justifies" anything. Just ends require just means, and if your means are unjust, then either you will not accomplish your ends or you are fooling yourself as to what your true ends are.

So now I better understand this. When General William Sherman gutted the culture, economy and morale of the Confederate States of America a century ago, he and the Army of the West were not only pursuing a just end (the eradication of the vile practice of slavery), but were in part successful because they used just means. Sherman is often reviled for attacking the buildings, livestock and livelihood of the American South, while his counterpart Grant generally gets a pass despite having participated in the deaths of tens of thousands of soldiers drawn from the ranks of the Confederacy's sons. To simply say "Attack army good, attack farms bad" is wildly irresponsible.

I could go on about justice in war and warfare, but I won't. I'm only touching on it to illustrate the deep complexity of the issues that must be considered and analyzed before knowing what is right and what is wrong. Yes, the world is profoundly complex, but this does not mean that there is not underlying everything the discretely good and the discretely evil.

And so the American view of Israel. I still have issue with the nature and method of the creation of the modern state of Israel, as do many Americans. I have long wanted justice and self-determination for the Palestinian people living there with you, and I am not alone in this. But to stop thinking right there, declare Israel an unjust occupying force, and thus close the topic, is wrongheaded and lazy.

A number of realizations have slowly turned me from a mild Palestinian sympathizer to, first, passively supporting the Israeli cause and later on, now, someone who outright sees the radical Palestinian movement as an enemy of civilization. It has been a journey of many steps.

Israel has elections. While there is evil and good mixed in the hearts of every one of us, I believe that if humanity does not have a general tendency towards good, then we at least have a tendency to want to appear as good. Because of this, democratic states are more inclined to be better than other states. While a sole king or dictator may choose to follow his or her evil desires, for a sufficiently large democracy to be more evil than good requires not one, but thousands or millions of people to all not only choose evil, but the same evil.

Israel's press demonstrates a commitment to tolerance and plurality that is greater than is found in the press of its enemies. Paying attention to international journalism on the web shows this quite clearly. Israeli newspapers and magazines illustrate a fairly wide spectrum of opinion, frequently correct and criticize one another, and generally host what appears to be a reasonable debate. Arab news sources, on the other hand, are rigidly controlled by their host states, and seem capable only of mouthing the prefab agendas of the Israel-must-be-annihilated-crowd. Public disagreement is a sign of honesty in a society, and the signs before us these days should incline us to distrust anything that has at its source the Arab press.

In prosecuting the respective sides of this conflict, both sides have done wrong at times. However, Israel has the decency to be embarrassed by its mistakes, and by and large does not codify evil practices into its intended strategies. For the militant radical forces arrayed against Israel, however, monstrous acts are the very core of their strategy.

Asymmetrical warfare is necessary for any underdog when the normal means of self-defense and self-liberation are not available. However, terrorism is not the only form of asymmetry available to Palestinians. Against a democratic government, Ghandi's approach of passive resistance is not only effective, but often morally required. True, were Israel a dictatorship, the use of force would be the only means of changing its ways, but it is not. It's also true that Ghandi's approach involves sacrifice and suffering, but we are talking about a group that praises martyrdom and calculatingly incinerates its own children for the cause.

The radical Palestinian movement claims as its end freedom. This plays well to Americans, but it is a calculated lie. Perhaps at some point in history the progenitors of today's groups believed they sought freedom and self-determination, but some of their words and nearly all of their actions today directly clash with this notion. Out of the mouths of Near Eastern heads of state, Islamic religious leaders, Arab journalists, and the leaders and spokespersons of all the various other enemies of Israel pours forth a constant call for the destruction of Israel and the killing of Jews. That these same sources will, for foreign media, occasionally hide or contradict such statements of hatred and intended genocide does not erase what they say to their own people. They have to be lying to someone. Further, their actions do nothing to demonstrate they want anything other than the destruction of Israel. Most notably, the outright rejection of agreements that would grant them their "peace and freedom" show what they do and do not seek.

In half a century of conflict, the enemies have shown amazing creativity when devising ways of destroying Israel, but seem totally uninterested in building anything of their own that will stand as a rational and just government for their people. The terrorists do not represent "their" people in any official way and have done precious little towards that end. Yes, often war precedes the rational founding of a new government, but, for God's sake, we're talking decades of near total inaction on this front. If Arafat were truly serious in wanting a free Palestinian state, you'd think he'd have come up with more than he has by now.

As for Arafat himself, Israel demonstrated something important in acquiescing to the establishment of the Palestinian Authority. Either Arafat wanted peace or he wanted destruction. Either he was in command of his side and thus should be negotiated with, or he wasn't and was thus irrelevant. Both questions have been tested, and while neither has been individually answered, we now have an aggregate answer that is actionable. His recent past shows that only one of two cases is possible: a.) Arafat is capable of stopping the bloodshed on his side but chooses not to, or b.) Arafat is incapable of maintaining the peace on his side. Either way, any agreement, negotiation, discussion or treaty with him is pointless.

Finally, there is the issue of the sins of the fathers. Much of the world accuses America of being without "culture", "immature", "too young to understand". All crap. A nation is not a person. This is something Americans sometimes forget, but most other people seem not to accept at all. Each nation on this earth is composed of and run by human beings whose personal age, experience and wisdom as absolutely limited by their personal lifespans as individuals. A nation that has stood for a thousand years is no more "wise" than one that has stood for a single generation. All the accumulated knowledge and wisdom beyond that is communicated through speech and writing, which are both essentially just as available to those outside the nation as those inside it. Furthermore, what a nation did in the past has no intrinsic moral bearing on the present. Nations are merely constructs; reality consists only of individuals. The only rational way of viewing a nation's justness is in terms of the current behavior of its current population and government. If all the people that participated in committing a particular evil - or good! - are dead, then the "nation" itself that committed those acts is dead as well, with a new nation standing in its place. History teaches us valuable lessons, but arguing over the justness and morality of what one nation may or may not have done to other in previous generations is meaningless compared to what is and is not the facts of the current circumstances. This, ironically, cuts against many of the arguments found on both sides of the dispute. In the end, though, it leads me to see today's Israel and her enemies of today in a much clearer light. When I gave my speech in high school, I was dead wrong to try to make a case for the "original sin" of English occupation. Those who seek reparations for the descendants of American slaves are dead wrong. To say that Abdul must kill Benjamin because the nation that Benjamin's father founded was done without the consent of the Turkish government that once ruled over Abdul's ancestries is hysterical lunacy.

There are only so many responses available to someone witnessing a fight between two other groups: 1.) choose a side and help it, 2.) attack both sides, 3.) stay out of it. The world seems to be split between siding against Israel and staying out of the fight altogether. No side is purely right, so to avoid picking a side is merely cowardly and lazy. The only rational reason for choosing the third option is not knowing which way to go, and that excuse only lasts so long.

Finally, the actions and methods of the terrorists are grossly evil, whereas Israel's response is merely harsh. They target children. You knock down buildings. They execute "collaborators". You imprison lawbreakers. They determine their own justice. You have laws. Israel is not pure; innocents have been hurt and killed by Israeli forces, but to imagine that the terrorists would have taken any pains at all to avoid slaughtering the silly pacifists that recently visited Arafat, were those nuts to have formed "human shields" around Sharon in a similar situation is absurd. By their actions, the terrorists you are inflicted with declare that it is acceptable to intentionally target children and other innocents to further their own personal agendas. By not choosing sides in this fight, the world at large is telling the terrorists that they are right.

Is it any wonder that the bloodshed continues? Is it any wonder that thousands of Americans died in a single day at the hands of similarly reprehensible monsters? Without choosing sides, how can we expect anything but more of the same?

Each of these ideas took time to come to. Synthesizing them and applying them to the situation in Israel took more time. But now I get it.

Since the September Atrocity, I have seen many other Americans go through a similar evolution of thought. Some don't require the same degree of over-intellectualization I needed. Some do. Honestly, I'm embarrassed it took me so long, and am ashamed to admit ever having had romantic ideas about the Palestinian cause. Dispelling the lazy romanticism surrounding the "fight for freedom" and the support of the "underdog" requires at least some rigorous thinking about unpleasant and difficult subjects, though, and it doesn't happen overnight. Many Americans are still going through the process and have yet to arrive where I stand. The American media have all sorts of other hang-ups that seem incurable and that at least will always lag behind the will and opinion of the American public. Don't get depressed by what you see there; the American press is not a representation of the American people, but is in a dialogue with us. They are one side of a discussion, and frankly they are also very poor listeners.

On the other, less heard side of the conversation many Americans are choosing a democratically elected Israel over a movement that targets children - their own as well as their enemies' - who by their actions show they want destruction despite their meaningless words of peace, who, were they to gain even what they claim as their goal, would merely set up yet another uneducated, dictatorial, corrupt and oppressive little kingdom so much like the ones that funded, harbored, and supplied the human excrement that attacked us in September and wish to attack us again.

More and more, we get it.